Historically, Nigeria’s constitutional development has not been inclusive of women. The National Gender Policy (NGP) meant to address the disparity lacks a robust legal framework, functioning primarily as a statement of intent. Despite numerous efforts by women’s groups to introduce bills and policies aimed at enforcing affirmative action, these initiatives have encountered significant resistance from the largely male-dominated parliament.
For instance, in 2019, a bill sponsored by Hon. Ibrahim Sadiq that aimed to establish a women’s quota for all legislative positions was swiftly dismissed by the male-dominated legislature. Efforts to enhance women’s political participation through legal frameworks have consistently faced stiff opposition.
Similarly, the Gender and Equal Opportunities (GEO) Bill of 2016, aimed to promote equality and non-discrimination for women and girls, particularly in areas such as employment, inheritance, marriage, and access to education and land, failed. Sponsored by Senator Abiodun Olujimi, this Bill sought to address discriminatory practices and ensure women’s full enjoyment of their human rights. It proposed temporary special measures (TSMs), including reserving a minimum of 35% of positions in various sectors for women, youth and persons with disability to rectify past discrimination and promote de facto equality.
However, the bill was rejected by the Senate during its second reading in March 2016, with subsequent proposals for further consultation ultimately failing to yield results. This pattern of rejection continued in December 2021 when Nigerian lawmakers once again turned down the GEO Bill, citing frivolous reasons, including objections to the use of the word “equality.” With less than 5% of women in Nigeria’s federal parliament, there is an urgency in ensuring that women and marginalised groups are included in governance frameworks if we are to advance to an inclusive democracy.
Road to A Shared Democracy
Studies show that reserved seat arrangements are effective strategies various countries employ to address the underrepresentation of women in legislative bodies. Such measures align with Nigeria’s First-Past-the-Post/Plurality electoral system, which complicates the application of broader affirmative action measures, such as the 35% numeric target for women established in the NGP.
In 2022, five significant Gender Bills were introduced. The first was a bill to provide special seats for women in the National Assembly (NASS) and an affirmative action proposal requiring 35% representation for women in political party administration. The second, a bill to grant citizenship to foreign-born husbands of Nigerian women, recognising the disparity where only foreign-born wives of Nigerian men automatically gain citizenship.
The third was a bill to allow married women to choose their state of origin and access rights, the fourth was a bill advocating for at least 10% affirmative action in ministerial appointments and the fifth was a constitutional amendment Bill, aimed at creating additional special seats for women in both federal and state legislative houses, was also proposed.
Backed by prominent lawmakers including the Speaker, Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, Hon Nkeiruka Onyejeocha and over 80 others, the proposed amendment to section 91 of the Constitution aimed to introduce 219 special seats for women – one seat per state plus FCT in the Senate (37), two per state plus FCT in the HoR (74) and three seats in every ShoA (108). Again, the amendment failed despite high-level advocacy.
Closing the Governance Gap
To close the gender gaps in governance, TSMs such as reserved seats are used as strategic mediums of allocating or reserving a minimum number of seats or positions to historically underrepresented groups including women, youth, and persons with disabilities, to promote equal and inclusive political participation. Such measures are usually provided for in legislative and policy frameworks like national constitutions, state laws, electoral laws, and political party policies.
Thus, TSMs are “policies adopted and implemented to increase women’s access to political participation and decision-making to overcome structural barriers that women face in male-dominated electoral politics”. In general recommendation No. 25 of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) committee, state parties like Nigeria are obliged to adopt and implement TSMs if such measures can be shown to be necessary and appropriate in accelerating the achievement of the overall, or a specific goal of women’s equality.
The Bill’s framework draws inspiration from similar provisions in East African contexts including Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, where reserved seats have led to notable increases in women’s parliamentary representation. For instance, of Uganda’s 556 parliamentary seats, 117 are reserved for women.
Once again in 2025, the HB.1349 Constitution Alteration (aka Seat Reservation) is being sponsored by the Deputy Speaker, Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu and 12 other members of the House. The Bill proposes the creation of one additional seat in the HoR and the Senate from each State plus FCT, specifically for women, and 3 seats per state for women in SHoA to be phased out after 16 years.
Looking Forward
The Reserved Seats Bill represents a significant step toward deepening democratic inclusion and promoting equity in political representation. The collaborative and sustained effort behind it is a testament to the power of multisectoral engagement, grassroots mobilisation and resilience. As the bill progresses through parliament, continued advocacy and political will, will remain crucial to ensure its successful adoption and implementation.
As a Temporary Special Measure according to the EU Institute for Gender Equality, the Bill is a valid entry point to ensure that women have a seat at the table and a voice to drive issues that impact their wellbeing, safety and livelihood. Presently, the composition of the National Assembly does not support this. With more women in parliament, they will have the numbers and a fighting chance to advocate for issues that impact them directly like maternal/child health, food security, climate change, education, good governance, security and inclusive growth.
Women bring distinct expertise and a human face to governance issues and are more likely to advocate for issues from a place of empathy and concern for those at the margins of society including persons with disabilities. However, there are criticisms against the Special Seats Bill like discrimination against men, tokenism and increased cost of governance.
While the cost of governance may increase in the short term, it is reductionist logic when considered alone without recourse to the human and societal impact of women’s inclusion in governance which far outweighs the attendant costs in the long run. A cost analysis by the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) in 2021 showed that additional legislators will only amount to less than 5% of annual defence spending over the next four years. Using a 3-year average (2019-2021 budgets), the increase in emoluments for the additional 111 legislators on the National Assembly budget was projected to be between 3% and 12.9%.
With public hearings approaching in July, the next phase is critical. Stakeholders need to re-engage by providing expert submissions, shaping public discourse, and mobilising state-level advocacy. More than ever, convened coalition, is needed to drive coordinated messaging across priority states, support the drafting and submission of memoranda to the National Assembly, and amplify public demand through broadcast, print, and digital media platforms.
Additionally, policy dialogues linking subnational actors with federal legislators to close gaps in understanding and secure buy-in are required. By sustaining strategic pressure and deepening civic engagement, translating the opportunity of HB.1349 into a landmark achievement for gender parity in Nigeria’s legislative institutions is possible this time around.
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