Political domination by certain senatorial zones in states across the country, leading to their political exclusion and marginalisation of minority groups, has increased persistent agitation and near-conflicts.
Dominant senatorial zones often tend to control the power apparatuses at the expense of others, mainly minorities, who are usually denied access to become state governors and hold high-level appointments.
Those in such advantageous positions often ignore calls for power rotation.
Some zones in the country have not produced a single civilian governor since their creation, while other zones continue to dominate the political landscape, with their kinsmen occupying the Government House after every election.
For instance, in Benue State, si nce the return of democracy in 1999, the governorship seat has rotated between the Benue North-East and North-West Senatorial Districts, leaving Benue South Senatorial District relegated to the automatic post of deputy governor.
Although some of the people who spoke to our correspondent from the North-East and North-West—popularly known as Zone A and Zone B—including Tyovenda Mchianaan and Leventis Senenge, explained that democracy is a game of numbers where the majority has its way, hence with the Tiv-speaking people having the greater population, there is no way another tribe can become governor in the state except through concrete arrangements or concessions.
According to them, “What they are calling marginalisation is not just happening in Benue; it is happening across all the states of the federation. This is because politics is a game of numbers, and as you can see, we have 23 local governments in Benue, comprising three zones or senatorial districts.
Zone A, which is the Benue North-East Senatorial District, comprises seven LGs, while Zone B, which is the North-West Senatorial District, also has seven, while the remaining nine LGs are for Zone C, the Benue South Senatorial District, mainly Idoma-speaking people. The 14 LGs are primarily inhabited by Tiv-speaking people, with other smaller tribes such as Itulo and Nyifon, among others.”
Although many persons from Zone C have come out to contest the governorship position—accusing the Tiv majority in the state of marginalising the Idoma people and other tribes, and calling for power rotation—these have yielded no results.
In an interview, one of the 2023 governorship aspirants from Zone C, who was deputy governor during the Samuel Ortom administration, Engr. Benson Abounu, said: “I contested in 2023 when I noticed that all the five clusters of the Tiv-speaking areas had had their fair share of governorship and it was time to start over.”
He said he began consultations, travelling round all the Tiv-speaking clusters to inform them of his aspiration: “I was widely accepted with blessings; however, this did not go down well with the ruling political class in the state.”
According to him, the Ochi’Idoma also led a delegation of chiefs, elders and political leaders from Zone C to the paramount ruler of the Tiv nation, Ochivirigh Prof James Ayatse, pleading for a power shift based on the saying ‘Live and Let Live’, but the political elite in Benue did not accept this afterwards.
“To the best of my knowledge and as an insider, if we keep on this way without recognising merit, and we don’t want to give the mantle to someone who can do the job well, then Benue State will not develop.
“I was not contesting because I am an Idoma person; I was contesting to bring my wealth of experience as former special adviser to the second civilian governor of Benue State, the late Rev. Fr. Moses Adasu, a commissioner under Sen. George Akume for eight years, and deputy governor under the immediate past Samuel Ortom administration for eight years. I believe that with all these experiences, I had the capacity to govern well.”
He, however, accused some of the political elite from Tiv-speaking areas of being behind his rejection as a potential governor of Benue State.
Ogun West Without Governor Since 1999
The Ogun West Senatorial District, home of the Yewa-Awori people of Ogun State, is one of the zones in Nigeria yet to produce a governor since the return to democratic governance in 1999.
All candidates from the zone who have contested the governorship elections since the creation of the state in 1976 have been unfortunate not to win, owing to the sophistication and complex nature of the Yewa and Awori people that make up the zone’s population.
Since 1999, the Central and East Senatorial Districts have had the opportunity to produce governors on a rotational basis. Chief Olusegun Osoba from the Central Zone served from 1999 to 2003, while Otunba Gbenga Daniel from the East served two terms between 2003 and 2011.
At the expiration of his second term, another candidate from the Central Zone, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, assumed office for two terms ending in 2019, after which another candidate from the East Senatorial District, Prince Dapo Abiodun, assumed office and remains incumbent.
Various factors have been identified as responsible for the inability of Ogun West to govern the state. These include lack of unity, absence of a universally accepted candidate, and political manipulation of the zone by influential politicians from other senatorial districts who, at every electioneering period, take advantage of the disunity in the zone.
Yewa-Awori politicians and political analysts have described the trend as an act of injustice meted out to the people of the zone.
Speaking with LEADERSHIP Weekend, the incumbent senator representing the zone, Solomon Olamilekan Adeola (“Yayi”), emphatically bemoaned the trend, describing it as a lack of fairness.
His chief of staff, Chief Kayode Odunaro, speaking on his behalf, likened the situation to a “proverbial pot sitting on a tripod which could overturn if one of its legs is removed”.
Odunaro, also a member of the kingmakers in one of the Yewa towns, said: “Ours in Ogun West is one of the senatorial districts in Nigeria that has not had the opportunity of governing Ogun State since its creation nearly 50 years ago.”
He insisted the zone has always produced qualified candidates, but factors such as finances, unity, and lack of a universally accepted candidate have hindered its chances.
He added that with Senator Adeola’s entrance into Ogun politics—and his performance that cuts across all three senatorial districts, the narrative may change in the 2027 governorship election.
No Governor from Kwara North Since 1999
Kwara North Senatorial District — comprising Edu, Patigi, Kaiama and Baruten LGAs — has similarly not produced a governor since 1999.
Though a minority group, the Kwara Northerners have historically maintained a robust relationship with the people of Kwara Central (the majority ethnic group), often aligning politically with the Ilorin Emirate.
However, divisions along ethnic lines—Nupe (Edu and Patigi) versus the distinct ethnic groups of Kaiama and Baruten—have hindered collective political advancement.
This lack of cooperation cost the district the governorship seat in 2023.
The PDP zoned its governorship ticket to Kwara North, and Alhaji Yamman Abdullahi of Edu emerged candidate, but he reportedly received inadequate support from the Kaiama/Baruten bloc, leading to another All Progressives Party victory.
A community leader who preferred anonymity blamed the zone’s inability to produce a governor on lack of enlightenment, resources, unity of purpose, and clear leadership.
He said the region remains divided by tribe, religion and language.
A former House of Assembly member, Hon. Adamu Sabi Ibrahim, blamed their minority status but expressed optimism that 2027 could favour them if Kwara Central supports their ambition.
Meanwhile, former PDP Chairman Chief Iyiola Oyedepo warned against excluding candidates based on religion, insisting that a Christian could emerge as governor in 2027.
He cautioned against sectarian politics, citing global scrutiny of Nigeria over religious intolerance.
Kogi West Yet to Produce Governor
Kogi West Senatorial District remains the only district in the state that has not produced any elected governor since 1999. The people have continued to agitate, describing the situation as unacceptable.
Clarence Olafemi briefly served as acting governor in February 2008 after the annulment of Governor Ibrahim Idris’s election but handed back power after the re-run.
Elected governors and their zones: the late Prince Abubakar Audu – Kogi East (1992–1993; 1999–2003); Ibrahim Idris – Kogi East (2003–2008; 2008–2012); Yahaya Bello – Kogi Central (2016–2024) and Ahmed Usman Ododo – Kogi Central (2024–date)
Kaduna South Seeks Government House Seat
Kaduna State is divided into three senatorial zones: Zone 1 (North), Zone 2 (Central), and Zone 3 (South). Zones 1 and 2 have produced all governors before and since the return of democracy in 1999, except for a brief period.
From 1999, the late Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa from Kaduna South, who was deputy governor, became governor in 2010 after Namadi Sambo became the vice president.
Yakowa won the 2011 election but died in a helicopter crash two years into his tenure.
Since then, Southern Kaduna people have continued to agitate for power rotation in the interest of equity.
A youth leader, Amos Bala, told LEADERSHIP Weekend that the zone continues lobbying Zones 1 and 2, expressing hope that a son or daughter of Southern Kaduna will again become governor.
