Voting Out Incumbent Not A Tea Party – Moghalu

Dr George Moghalu is the Labour Party (LP) candidate in last year’s Anambra governorship election, a former national auditor of the All Progressives Congress and managing director of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA).  In this interview with JAMES KWEN, he speaks  on a number of topical national and political issues

Nigeria’s political landscape has seen a wave of defections across party lines in recent times. Given your experience as a politician and a former member of the ruling party, how do you interpret this trend. Who stands to benefit from it, and do you share the concerns of many Nigerians that the country may be drifting toward a one-party state?

It is of great concern to me and to every democrat. When you ask who is losing, I would say that democracy is losing, and something has to be done about it. I agree, in all honesty, that the right to defect is a personal right, and anyone can exercise such a right.

However, what concerns me is whether those who are defecting consulted the people who sent them to office before doing so. That is why I am one of those who strongly believe that the only proper way to test a defection is for the person to lose the position they are occupying. If you defect, you should lose that position, and then go back to test your popularity, your acceptability, or the general acceptability of that decision in the minds of those who actually elected you.

So, if you look at it in very simple terms, the party you are going to certainly becomes the beneficiary. This is because party politics is about numbers and influence. For example, if a governor defects to another party, the party he is defecting to will undoubtedly benefit.

A governor does not move alone. When a governor defects, many people usually go with him, those elected on the same platform, those benefiting from the government, or those who believe the governor is acting in their interest or meeting the expectations of the people. So, when a governor moves, he moves with numbers. The party he joins therefore benefits, both in terms of numerical strength and political influence.

But it is a moral issue. It is a moral question: is it morally justified? And I would like those who are defecting to answer that question. That is why some of us, as I said earlier, strongly believe that the only way to test the acceptability of a defection, especially when standing on a different mandate is for the person defecting to resign from the position they have benefited from. When you defect, you should go back and test your popularity again with the people who elected you into that office ab initio. If you go and win, then it simply shows that the people are willing to go with you or that they see reason in your decision to defect.

On the issue of whether Nigeria could become a one-party state, there is no way that can happen. We have seen this situation play out before. There was a time in this country when the PDP had 29 governors, approaching 30. I remember a personal encounter with my late brother, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, who was the chairman of the PDP at the time. When I was national secretary of the ANPP, he was national secretary of the PDP. Beyond that, we both came from Aba, so we had a personal relationship.

In one of our moments of excitement, I remember him telling me, ‘Oh no, we are going to be in government for 60 years uninterrupted,’ and we laughed. Where is the PDP today? After three terms, the PDP crumbled. From those 29 states then, we are now talking about six or even fewer. So this is not new. What is happening now, to the benefit of the APC, is not new.

Given what happened to the PDP after years of dominance, do you see the APC heading down a similar path?

One thing I have never arrogated to myself is the role of a soothsayer, a native doctor, or a prophet. Those are three titles I have never claimed, nor have I ever aspired to be any of them. You see, nobody can truly predict the future, at least not correctly. So I cannot sit here and say that the APC will go the same way as the PDP. You never can say. The APC may survive; it may not survive. It is impossible to be certain.

Some people have even suggested that there could be an implosion. Yes, that is a possibility. One thing about politics , especially party politics is that it is a game of interests. Political parties do not have gatekeepers. They are like churches or mosques: they have no gateman, and you cannot question anyone for entering. As people come in, you keep registering them, because you are looking for numbers and influence

So, the point at which disagreements arise is when interests clash, and interests must clash. It is also where ambitions clash, and ambitions will inevitably clash. These are issues that cannot be swept under the carpet because they are bound to occur. Interests clash because politics is largely about self-interest. Rarely do people think about the nation or the people; it is mostly about self.

That is why you find that most political parties today practically preach the same things. Political parties have become mere vehicles for the actualisation of political power. That is the reality we have today. Unlike in developed democracies, where political parties are built on ideology, where you can clearly identify someone as a leftist, a centrist, or a rightist you cannot do that here.

We operate in a political system where someone can belong to the PRP in the morning, move to the NRC in the evening, and the next day be in the NPN. You can never be certain. It is all a matter of personal comfort—whichever platform makes it easier to realise one’s ambition

Just a follow-up to your first intervention.Given your view that defections should be tested through fresh mandates, would you support a legal provision requiring executive office holders, such as governors, to lose their seats if they defect, similar to what applies to lawmakers?

Oh yes, there is nothing wrong with that. We are talking about being elected on a particular platform. If you look at the ballot papers we have today, they do not bear the name of the candidate; they bear only the name of the party. What people vote for is the party, even though it is represented by Mr. A or Mr. B. Ultimately, it is the party.

So, if for example, George Moghalu is elected on a particular platform and, for reasons personal to him, decides to defect from that party to another, morally speaking, he cannot justify taking the mandate of the people to another platform without their consent. The only way to get that consent to have the people endorse such an action is to subject the mandate to a fresh election. Throw it back to the people.

If you say, I now want to go to this other platform; vote for this platform because I am going there,’ and the people vote for that platform, then it becomes a matter of personal acceptance. If they insist on the platform you are leaving, then it becomes a matter of party choice. Since nobody can elect himself into office, the people have the right to decide where they want you to go. It is not morally justifiable to take the people’s mandate to another platform without their approval. That is my position.

Some political thinkers argue that the current wave of defections reflects satisfaction with the performance of the government. With the administration nearing the end of its four-year term, how would you assess its economic performance and its delivery of the core dividends of democracy to Nigerians?

This question would be better answered if we could clearly understand the mindset of those who are defecting. Many give different reasons for their moves. Some say they want to “connect to the centre”, though I don’t know how they were disconnected before. Others claim they want to be part of the federal system. There are various explanations, and I have no quarrel with that.

As I said earlier, defection is a personal decision, and the individual must have a reason. For example, I defected from the APC to Labour, that was my first time ever defecting. I went there strictly for a purpose: to find a platform to run for the governorship of my state, having been short-changed in my former party, of which I am a founder. Having been unfairly treated, I looked for another platform that would allow me to actualise my ambition. That was my reason.

Others who are defecting at various levels may also have different motivations, some personal, some group interests, and some for individual ambitions. We do not know exactly what drives each person. As my Bible says, “as our faces vary, so do the desires of our hearts.” What one person wants may differ from another. So, when someone clearly explains why they are defecting, it gives me a proper opportunity to analyse and form a view on that particular case.

However, what I find difficult to accept is when someone says they want to “connect their state to the centre.” I usually ask: was your state really disconnected before? Statutorily and constitutionally, your state is a sub-national entity. In terms of allocations, the statutory amount your state receives is not affected by whether you are “connected” to the centre. In fact, a constructive opposition can even attract more resources if the presidency sees it as beneficial. Opposition should not be for its own sake, but to create alternatives where necessary.

There was an analysis I once presented in a paper, where I said that the dividing line between the party in government and the party in opposition is extremely thin, much like the dividing line between an idiot and a gentleman. Both sit quietly; both appear calm. An idiot is calm, and a gentleman is calm. In a meeting, both are composed. They don’t argue; they make their points when they choose to responsibly or irresponsibly. You could mistake an idiot for a gentleman, and a gentleman for an idiot.

It is the same with the line between government and opposition. One is in government to fulfil promises made, while the other is there to ensure that those promises are actually kept. That is a sensible role: to hold the government accountable so that whatever is promised is delivered. If the government fails, the opposition reminds the people at the next election. Meanwhile, those in government have the responsibility to implement their promises. In essence, both are part of governance, just playing different roles.

With the Labour Party’s presidential candidate now moving to the ADC, will you be joining him? And do you think he can mount an effective opposition from that platform?

Okay, your question has two parts. One is about the presidential candidate moving to the ADC and whether I will follow him. The other is whether he can mount an effective opposition to the party in government.

Regarding the first part, I have a very close personal relationship with His Excellency Peter Obi. His decision to move to the ADC is entirely his own. For me, since the holidays up to the day before yesterday, I have been consulting. I am a politician who tries, within the limits of possibility, to align with people I respect and relate to.

Before I decided to leave the APC and join the Labour Party to run for election, I consulted widely. Even now, after the elections, I am still consulting. I cannot make a decision in isolation; I must involve those who have been part of this journey with me. For instance, on the 4th, I held a large meeting with critical supporters and stakeholders to discuss this issue. I also met with another group for further deliberation. Today, I have a dinner appointment with two key players to continue these discussions.

Once I finish this process of consultation, I will make a statement on my position and next steps. For now, I have not decided my next move.

Regarding the second part of your question, I must also be honest and say that even before Peter Obi endorsed and supported me during the election, he had already made it clear that he would announce his next move before the end of the year. Following the Anambra election, he kept his promise and moved on December 31, 2025. So that answers the question regarding his own course of action.

Then the next question is about opposition. Let me repeat what I have consistently said: removing an incumbent is not a tea party. We must be clear about that. And the only way you can remove an incumbent or present a credible, formidable opposition is when there is unity of purpose amongst the opposition political parties and leaders. It has happened before in this country. Because I try to use experiences and lessons to draw an analogy of issues confronting us.

In this country, if you remember, when ANPP, CPC, ACN, all were running independently, even though we presented Buhari in 2003, we presented Buhari in 2003 and 2007, he lost those two elections. He now left ANPP and ran on CPC in 2011, he also lost. Because in that election, the support base of the opposition was fragmented. ANPP had their own chunk, ACN had their own chunk, CPC had their own chunk. At the end of the day, the portion that was PDP happened to be more. So we all lost. But the moment there was an amalgamation of forces, ACN, CPC, ANPP, a fraction of APGA, then joined, even DPN also joined. We had a very formidable opposition. That was what produced APC and then when all these forces came together, then we could present a formidable opposition. Because by then, our leader in ACN, who is the present president now, our leader in CPC, who was the former president, our leader in ANPP, late Onuh all came together and agreed that if we go individually, we lose. It’s not a case of merger. It’s not a case of alliance. It’s a case of everybody dropping your ambition, everybody dropping your individual egos, everybody dropping your own individual ambition. Let us come together, present a formidable platform and we made meaning. We were able to now confront the ruling party. The same scenario is playing out again and it will continue to be the same. Anytime opposition is fragmented, there’s no way you can win.

So basically, the field is open. If the opposition decides to work together, that’s welcome. In fact, it will even make the incumbent sit up and do things better. Because the moment opposition is very formidable, it is the people that benefit. Not even the opposition leaders. It is the people that benefit. Because the people now become an issue. The opposition will be presenting themselves as defenders of the oppressed and the incumbent will do everything to make sure that there is nobody to be oppressed, not less of defending the oppressed.

When a governor leaves, for instance, PDP now and jumps into APC, he automatically becomes the leader of APC in his state. This has created a lot of issues between such governors’ camp and the existing leaders of the party in those states.What is your view on this?

It’s unfortunate. That’s how our politics plays out. Because the incumbent governor has resources and that’s the driving force, truth be told. He’s not being the leader because he’s the most qualified. He’s not. He’s being the leader because he has something to give. He has something to share. He has power. He has favour to dispense. He can decide to come in today, become the leader, dissolve his cabinet and appoint fresh 20 people. He can decide tomorrow to get the State Assembly to change the by-laws and make the term of local government chairman three months or six months or one year, bringing it down from whatever number so that he can bring in new captains at those levels. So he has a lot and he has leverage. He has influence. You cannot take it away from an incumbent governor. These are privileges that are attached to the office that he’s occupying. He’s not being the leader of the party in the state because he’s the most qualified. Not because he’s the most educated or the most politically suave. No. Because he’s the one power resolves around. So every party needs to have a governor and that is why to assess the strength of a governor or a party in any state, they ask you who are those that are in office and what platform are they in the office. And they say governor is a member of the party, senators, House of Representatives members. It’s okay, that party is the party to belong.

Even the local government chairman, his local authority, local area, he commands a lot of respect and authority and automatically is the leader of the party in the local government where he’s in charge. And it has to come down from the top. If the president is the leader of the party in the nation without sounding unfair, it is fair also to accept the fact that the governor is the leader of the party in the state. And it goes down to the local government chairman being the leader of the party in his local government.

Invariably are you saying the ruling APC is unbeatable in 2027?

No, it is not unbeatable. You see one mistake all of us made, we politicians is that a times we try to play God. Who did God tell you is going to be alive in 2027? Who? It has happened in this country before, people keep forgetting. Few minutes to being declared governor somebody died. People planned to run election with us in Anambra a good number of them didn’t make it. Why are we playing God. What is the guarantee that you will even see 2027. There is no guarantee. It’s not cast in Iron.

What is your perspective on the 2027 general elections, and what should Nigerians expect?

It will come and go. Some people will die before that day. Some will participate. Some will not participate. Somebody will emerge. All power belongs to God and He gives to who He pleases at his time. And nobody knows who that person is.

What is the best solution to political godfathers and godsons crisis?

Internal democracy in the political parties. When you allow the people to own the political parties. They decide who their leader is. You don’t appoint a leader. A leader evolves among the people. You elect president, governor, chairman, have you seen where they say let’s go and elect our leader? You can decide to follow me in as much as I don’t have executive power. You can decide to follow me because I have your interest at heart. It is like a case of a mentor and a mentee. You don’t chose a mentor for somebody. There are things that attract me to that person that they will not attract you to that person.

My mentor is my personal prerogative. The moment we take serious the issue of internal democracy in our political parties and allowing the people to own their party…by the time we don’t have internal democracy we place unguarded authority in the hands of a few.

Have you taken stock of why you lost Anambra election?

Yes, I have taken stock. I held a lot of meetings. I met some members of the campaign organisation and I have made it clear that apart from internal sabotage that I suffered, the truth is that I didn’t have the financial muscle to be able to compete in vote procurement. Even if I have all the money in the world, I will not procure votes. Never!  Even if I have the money in the whole world but in this instance I didn’t have. The little I had, I deployed it to logistics.

What will be your advice to opposition coalition ahead of 2027?

Place Nigeria first. Drop ambition, become selfless. Unless you are selfless you can not achieve something… Is not about ‘us’, ‘me’. It is a case of nominate three people; I, myself and me. So the moment you think of the people, place the people first your ambition becomes immaterial. You drop it, you allow the people to be the centre issue, the cornerstone of every discussion and then we will now sit down and tell ourselves the truth. What do I have that this man doesn’t have? What does he have that I don’t have? How do we coalesced forces? Unless you tell yourselves the truth, there is no way you can build an opposition in a democracy; there is no way you have a fragmented opposition that you expect to win election. It’s not possible. You must be together. You must make sacrifices and see that things are working.